The approval of “reverse enlargement” to Ukraine and other candidate states would institutionalize a three-tiered Europe between the “E6”, Central Europe, and the new partial members from Eastern Europe and the Balkans for facilitating Germany’s divide-and-rule federalist plans.
Andrew Korybko
Politico
reported on the EU’s plan to grant Ukraine partial membership by next
year at the earliest as part of a comprehensive solution to that
country’s conflict. An unnamed official described this as “reverse
enlargement” and explained that “It would be a sort of recalibration of
the process — you join and then you get phased in rights and
obligations.” This modus operandi would enable all the other candidates
to join too and thus complete the bloc’s expansion in Eastern Europe and
the Balkans.
If Orban isn’t ‘democratically deposed’
during next month’s parliamentary elections, then the EU plans to
appeal to Trump to pressure him into agreeing to this, absent which
they’ll remove Hungary’s voting rights. Left unsaid is the assessment
from early November when this general idea was first reported about how “Poland Might Impede The EU’s Push To Speedily Grant Ukraine Membership” if this compels it to open its agricultural market to another deluge of low-cost and low-quality Ukrainian exports.
Per
the preceding hyperlinked analysis, “neither half of its ruling duopoly
wants to be blamed for the domestic consequences of Ukraine joining the
EU, especially not ahead of fall 2027’s next parliamentary elections.
Prime Minister Donald Tusk’s ruling liberal-globalist coalition is
already facing an uphill battle and would torpedo any hope of keeping
control if they supported this, while President Karol Nawrocki from the
conservative-nationalist opposition would betray his base if he went
along with them.”
It’s therefore possible that the EU’s
“reverse enlargement” to Ukraine doesn’t include unlimited tariff-free
access of its agricultural products either to the bloc as a whole or
only to Poland in order to secure Warsaw’s approval. In any case,
Ukraine’s fast-tracked EU membership would de facto advance EU
federalist goals by institutionalizing Germany’s “two-speed Europe”
proposal, thus leading to three tiers of membership actually between
the “E6”, other full members, and the new partial members.
The
“E6” refers to the bloc’s six largest economies – Germany, France,
Italy, Spain, the Netherlands, and Poland – who’d collectively sit atop
this institutionalized hierarchy that would unofficially be led by the
German-Franco duopoly (or divided into factions by them if their rivalry
becomes unmanageable). Regardless of Poland’s participation or lack
thereof within the “E6”, which the abovementioned hyperlinked analysis
argues can’t be taken for granted, the EU would thus be formally
divided.
The “E6” would push through reforms for facilitating
federalization even if that end goal isn’t openly declared to avoid
spooking some countries and their societies. The new partial members
would then be pressured to conform with these new policies to obtain
full membership, while the remaining full members from the second tier
would be pressured by the first and third one into following suit.
There’s a distinct geopolitical division between these tiers that
deserves mention before concluding the analysis.
The “E6”
represents Western Europe (with the exception of Poland), the new
partial members would represent Eastern Europe and the Balkans, while
the rest represent Central Europe. The EU federalists therefore want to
pit the first three against the Central European members who oppose
federalism in order to then impose that system upon them as a fait
accompli. This observation further contextualizes the perceived urgency
over approving “reverse enlargement” to Ukraine and the other
candidates.